해커스 GRE 버벌 송종옥 선생님의 특급 자료

In the years preceding the 1920 ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment, which gave women in the United States the right to vote, the editors of such general opinion magazines as The New Republic and Literary Digest did not appear to feel threatened by the possibility of woman suffrage. Their goal was not to protect the status quo but to focus on the logic behind various arguments advanced in the debate on suffrage. In their estimation it made no sense to deny women suffrage; hence their editorial position, whether overt, as with The New Republic, or covert, as with Literary Digest. But while general opinion magazines were taking a positive stance, magazines intended for a specifically female audience did so only belatedly. It can be said that the editors of these latter magazines were subsequently proud of what women had accomplished in obtaining suffrage. Otherwise Ladies' Home Journal, to take one example, would not have published glowing accounts of women's political effectiveness. However it cannot be said that women's magazines actively participated in attaining suffrage. Rather, the editors, perceiving a threat to the status quo, opted for conformism and, by so doing, provided little or no basis for their readers to appraise the issue critically.

Despite regional differences in writing styles and thematic conces, certain trends have emerged in African novels that demarcate their difference from the Western novel. Most notable is the influence of oral tradition. Stylistically, the African novel begins with a prose narrative, but allows for insertions of oral traditions such as folktales and songs. For example, in Chinua Achebe's Things Fall Apart, when an elder recounts a folktale, Achebe inserts the actual folktale, enveloping an oral narrative within a written one. The easy transitions between oral traditions and the authorial voice consequently undermine the novelist's claim to originality while bolstering the text with communal authority.

Thus the African novel is often the work not of a single author, but of a writer and a community.

Widely accepted as the earliest known site of occupation in South America, Monte Verde in southern Chile is dated to roughly 13,500 years ago. But Monte Verde is a considerable distance from early people's point of entry into South America (through the Isthmus of Panama into what is now northwestern Colombia). Therefore, most archaeologists suppose that the initial occupation of the continent began a millennium or so earlier.

Certain sites have been said to imply an even earlier human presence in South America. Among the most controversial of these is Pikimachay, a naturally sculpted rock shelter found in the Andean foothills, which was excavated in the 1970s. The earliest dates from the site range from 14,000 to 20,000 years ago. Archaeologists found flake tools and bones of a ground sloth presumed to have been butchered there. However, the earliest of the purported artifacts are made from the same type of stone that makes up the cave wall, and most archaeologists are not convinced they show clear signs of purposeful shaping. Furthermore, none of the sloth bones (which produced the early dates) gave evidence of burning or modification by human hands.

Similarities in art and architecture once led some scholars to claim that Mayan culture in Central America was partly derived from the Southeast Asian Khmer culture. While Khmer temple-pyramids such as Baksei Chamkrong are strikingly similar to their Mayan counterparts, closer scrutiny of the dating of these structures makes any such theory of transpacific diffusion implausible. Temple-pyramids of the characteristic stepped form and huge cities were being built in Mayan lowlands as early as 200 B.C, a time when most of Southeast Asia had nothing more complex than simple circular villages of pile dwellings. By A.D. 802, when the actions of the Khmer King, Jayavarman Il, initiated the Classic Khmer period, Classic Mayan civilization was already in steep decline, and within the following century it collapsed completely.

Mayor: Vehicle exhaust produces dangerously high ozone levels in our city in hot, humid weather. As an incentive for people to commute by bus rather than by car, special free commuter buses will be scheduled on hot, humid days. Since a bus can carry about 40 people but produces only about 20 times as much exhaust as a car, ozone levels will be lower as long as the buses are more than half full.

A basic assumption in contemporary models of primate behavioral ecology is that the social patterns we observe in wild subjects are adaptations, or the products of past evolutionary selection pressures. Yet, both ecological and demographic conditions can change during the course of an individual's life span, resulting in selection pressures that fluctuate on shorter time scales than the generations over which evolutionary processes occur. The varying fitness consequences of particular social patterns under different conditions can result in behavioral polymorphisms within populations and in high levels of intraspecific behavioral variation between populations. Social behavior is especially sensitive to local conditions, which reflect the demographic histories of groups and populations in addition to the phylogenetic histories of species. If evolution has favored “expedience,” or "the ability to select whatever tactic is necessary to solve an immediate problem, regardless of the possible long-term consequences of such action,” as Barrett and Henzi have suggested, then a great deal of primate social behavior may not be adaptive in a genetically determined, evolutionary sense.

As they unearth long- ignored women's writings, some feminist literary scholars have a tendency to evaluate those writings according to current ideological standards. This tendency, however understandable, has certain pitfalls, as feminist response to three late-seventeenth-and early-eighteenth-century English female playwrights demonstrates. Mary Pix, Catharine Trotter, and Delarivier Manley each wrote at least four plays and were known collectively as the “Female Wits." These women saw themselves as participating in a common endeavor, but feminist scholars have evaluated their works in very different terms. Trotter and Manley have been praised for their depiction of “feminist" themes—Trotter because of her insistence on feminine virtue, and Manley because of her depiction of strong, if sometimes villainous, heroines—while Pix's works, because they depict women in ways now considered stereotypically “feminine,” are often dismissed.

Yet Pix is conservative only within a present-day context: within the context of late-seventeenth-and early- eighteenth-century English drama, Pix's plays were more formally innovative than Manley's and more successful than either Manley's or Trotter'. She also broke new ground regarding subject matter, addressing contemporary social issues such as class upheaval. However, these acts are rarely acknowledged by scholars of the Female Wits.

Recent data seem to indicate that economic classes in Bartonia have been growing farther apart from one another in terms of spending power: government reports show that on average, the weekly spendable earnings of private-sector nonsupervisory workers have declined by ten percent in the past ten years and are now at their 1974 level. The claim that progress is being made toward economic equality in Bartonia is thus becoming increasingly difficult to sustain.

Accepted dogma holds that architecture developed subsequent to agriculture because of the need for storage of domesticated crops and animals. Yet storage technology must have been present before people domesticated animals and plants. Enclosure must also have been present; if you have animals or plants suitably separated by a border, fence, or corral, then you have the means to control their breeding. It does not matter how much you know about hybridization or crossbreeding; to preserve and continue what you have done, some sort of barrier is the absolute prerequisite. Experiments, or lucky findings, have to be repeated if they are to be successful, in which case there must be a special place where what has been achieved can be preserved.

Archaeologists in Australia have never found sites where large extinct animals were killed, and it seems likely that many species of megafauna had become extinct prior to the arrival of humans. This might mean that there was minimal coexistence between humans and megafauna; yet there are sites that may well display temporal overlap, such as Cuddie Springs. If humans exploited megafauna, then why are there no kill sites? While Flannery (1990) argued that the rapid speed of the extermination may be responsible, it is more likely that lack of preservation of material dating to more than 40,000 years ago is responsible. Nevertheless, environmental signatures consistently point to the reduction in range and density of large animals, if not their final extinction, between 40,000 and 50,000 years ago, coincident with the arrival of people, and so the appearance of human hunters in the landscape is implicated in the extinction process. The timing of extinction trends in these mega- animals coincides with intensification of long-term continental drying, reductions in resource levels, and restructuring of the environment, and so even low levels of predation by the new human hunters may have tipped some species into terminal declines or accelerated declines already underway. Most likely it was not intensive or exclusive hunting of these large animals that reduced their populations perilously, but merely the addition of a new social carnivore to stressful ecological circumstances.